These negotiations should take into account Kiir and Machar`s reservations. Even if some South Sudanese lose patience, faith and confidence in the two heads of state after independence after conflicts of thought, it must be recognized that any attempt to exclude them from any peace process risks worsening the situation. The most important step for mediators is therefore to understand the political differences and dysfunctions between Kiir and Machar. They, along with their respective reservations, should be at the top of the peace agenda and mediators should develop a strategy to integrate their respective themes into the agreement. This will restore mutual trust so that the belligerents can cooperate peacefully. In reality, Machar`s proposal to Kiir is easier said than done. While the reservations seem more linked to competition for power, influence and control of the SPLM/A-IG and SPLM/A-IO, and less on how to ensure lasting peace and change the well-being of South Sudanese, ignoring the respective positions of these key players in the conflict, especially given their influence on the dynamics of conflict, will be a disservice to the peace process. I will focus on three areas: the peace process, the humanitarian situation and the human rights situation and the role of the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNAUTO). 1/ The renewed agreement on the resolution of the conflict in South Sudan is a historic opportunity to end the conflict in South Sudan and France regrets that the period leading up to the transition has been extended by six months. It is imperative that this be the last postponement. Whatever happens, a national unity government is to be formed in November. We encourage President Kiir and Riek Machar to work together to find a compromise on the most sensitive issues, including security measures and the delimitation of internal borders. Other political clashes within the SPLM took place in 2013, when South Sudan approached its first post-independence parliamentary elections, scheduled for 2015.
Mr. Machar, along with Pagan Amum Okiech (Secretary General of the SPLM) and Rebecca Nyandeng of Mabior (member of the SPLM Political Bureau and widow of the late head of the SPLM, General John Garang de Mabior), criticized the SPLM president and announced that he would challenge the presidency against Kiir.2 Non-cooperative relations between the president`s office and that of the vice-president, and clashes over the army`s distorted and irregular recruitment in 2013 were also factors in the civil war, he also expressed reservations about the Compensation and Reparation Authority (CRA) provided for in Chapter 5 (4), which is tasked with managing the Compensation and Compensation Fund for Victims of Crime, in accordance with Chapter 5 (4). He argued that this would be vulnerable to abuse and that the funds should instead be used to “rebuild infrastructure and rebuild the livelihoods of communities in the states most affected by the conflict”19.19 He cites inapplicables of the same model in Sierra Leone, South Africa, Liberia and Rwanda. Kiir`s fears are understandably justified, given the sensitivities and complexities associated with any national mechanism of healing and transitional justice. It takes a lot of caution. However, the mere fact that a political initiative has failed elsewhere is not enough to justify political dismissal.